What the Next Presidential Election Will Mean for the U.S. Supreme Court

This column started as a forum to write about political and social issues affecting us in today's society. The format is a type of "Crossfire" formula intended to give you two sides of a controversial issue. These words are entirely our opinion and do not reflect the opinion of Juris Publici, T.C. Williams, or the University of Richmond.

From the Left....
by Jason Cecil

 

The current term of the United States Supreme Court is winding down. So far, the Court has ruled that: we cannot sue our HMOs in federal court for paying our physicians to deny medical care, grandparents "rights" do not trump a parent's rights, violence against women cannot be made a federal crime using the Commerce Clause, the FCC cannot force the Playboy channel and its brethen to be shown only at night, and school prayer is still unconstitutional. We still await decisions on whether or not a state can force a party to have an open primary, whether Miranda warnings must be given, and whether the Boy Scouts can actively exclude homosexuals. Many decisions this term have been by the now-mundane 5-4 majority.


As my learned friend has pointed out, the breakdown of the court can be generalized in the following manner: conservative (Rehnquist, Scalia, Thomas and Kennedy), liberal(Stevens, Ginsburg, Souter, and Breyer), and the wildcard O'Connor. She has proven time and again that she will switch sides depending on the issue and the facts of the case. Her leanings are conservative, but not nearly as hard core as Scalia or Thomas. The ages of our justices raises an interesting question about who is about to retire and who is not. Rehnquist most likely would rather die on the bench during an oral argument than to willingly allow a Democrat to appoint his successor. Rumor also has it that O'Connor covets the Chief Justice's position, and with her status as the swing vote in any close case, making her the first female Chief Justice might make sense. Ginsburg has fought cancer recently, but O'Connor did as well in the 1980s, and she is still on the Court. Speculation about Scalia having wanderlust is welcome news. A man who judges a 21st century world by 1787 standards is frightening. Luckily, on the more controversial cases, Scalia tends to rant in the minority. Perhaps that is a reason why he is tiring on being a Justice.

The rabid conservatives in the Republican Party wish to downplay the significance of this Presidential election on the future of the Supreme Court. The civil rights gains of the 1960s were won through the court system. While judicial decisions based on personal mores should be avoided, who would deny that affirming the Civil Rights Act of 1964, declaring that separate is inherently unequal, and a protection of our rights was wrong? Yes, the strict constructionists will argue that the only way to remove personal values is to interpret the Constitution as our Founding Fathers intended it to read in 1787. This ignores the reason behind the beautiful simplicity of the Constitution. The Founding Fathers were wise enough to know that they could not see into the future, and made the Constitution so that it could grow and meet the challenges of tomorrow. For the last 213 years, the system has worked. The Constitution as living document has allowed our nation to thrive. President Gore would likely appoint justices who shared this view. President Bush II probably would not, considering he thinks all judges should be like Scalia.


How liberal is Justice Stevens? If he is so concerned about retiring when it's "safe" to retire, he should do so immediately at the close of this term. That would allow Clinton to appoint a successor, although the Republican Senate would likely try to block it. You would think that Republicans have learned their lesson with their PR nightmares following various government shutdowns. Clinton is still a master politician, which I believe explains much of the rabid hatred most Republicans hold for the President. If Stevens would retire at the end of this month, I can see the headlines of "partisan obstructionism" hurled at Trent Lott and his minions as they tried to delay any appointment until after the November elections. As always, time will tell.

The party of the President does not always indicate how a Justice will vote. O'Connor is not as conservative as Reagan probably hoped she would be. Souter certainly has Bush, Sr. ready to throttle whomever it was that promised that Souter was a card carrying member of the Reagan Revolution in his heart. Beyer and Ginsburg have not disappointed Clinton. Stevens was appointed by Ford, but Ford is no conservative firebrand. Rehnquist consistently does both Nixon and Reagan proud with his push for states rights above all else. Kennedy must be a disappointment to Ronnie as well, since he shows signs of having "centrist-itis" quite often. Thomas is a conservative rock who will neither forget nor forgive the Democrats' handling of his confirmation. The unfortunate thing is that at 52, we could be forced to live with him for another 30 years.

This country has a decision to make. Along with all the other factors that go into a Presidential vote, the future of our national jurisprudence needs to weigh significantly. The identity of the President does not automatically determine the types of Justices who will be appointed to the Supreme Court. What it does determine is a philosophy behind judicial decision making that will drive the appointment process. This does not include political pressures to appease various constituencies and finding someone who is vague enough on abortion to withstand press scrutiny. President Gore is unlikely to appoint someone like Scalia to the Court, but it is possible that someone could slip through the filter. President Bush II is not likely to appoint a civil rights champion (gun rights don't count), but one could slip by him just as Souter slipped by his father.

The philosophy of the next President will be vitally important in deciding how our national jurisprudence develops in the early 21st century. Will we face a bench that works to maintain the progress our nation has made in the last 50 years? Or will we face a bench that is just as activist on the conservative side as the liberal judges of the 1960s and 1970s? Will we have justices who will protect popular rights (such as the right to privacy) or will we have justices who only value traditional, WASPy mores and attempt to turn back the clock on many hard-fought gains?

The choice is up to you.

 

. . . From the Right
By Wade Anderson

 

The Supreme Court's 1999-2000 term may be remembered by law professors, law students, and judicial historians as a watershed year for federalism, restraint of the Commerce Clause and 5-4 decisions. The next President will likely determine whether the current Court's impact is felt well into the 21st century or is simply dismissed as a judicial anomaly created by a slim conservative majority.

When the next President recites the Oath of Office, Chief Justice Rehnquist will be 76 years old. The oldest (and most liberal), Stevens, will be 80. Justices O'Connor, Ginsburg, Scalia, Kennedy, Breyer, Souter and Thomas will be 70, 67, 64, 64, 62 and 52 respectively. While age is certainly an important factor to consider when attempting to predict which Justices may leave the Court, it should not be the only factor considered. For instance, it is no secret that Ginsburg has had significant health problems. Likewise, rumors (apparently false) of bad health continue to swirl around Justice O'Connor. Most interestingly, friends of Justice Scalia have been commenting over the last several months on his desire to leave the Court to pursue other interests (like rain-making substantial sums of money no doubt). But where does all this leave the next President?

In order to develop probable scenarios for both a Bush administration and a Gore administration, it is useful to consider the current conservative majority (Rehnquist, O'Connor, Scalia, Thomas and Kennedy) and minority (Stevens, Ginsburg, Souter, and Breyer) separately. Let's assume first that George W. wins. Rehnquist and Scalia can leave knowing they'll get conservative replacements. But that doesn't change the balance of power. However, if Stevens and Ginsburg leave during a Bush administration, the majority would now be 7-2, a significant conservative advantage. Of course, it's entirely possible that Stevens and Ginsburg might stick it out (making Stevens 84 at the end of Bush's first term). Another interesting development concerns the significant possibility that Bush would, upon Rehnquist's departure, appoint the United States' first female Chief Justice, Sandra Day O'Connor. Given George W.'s significant appeal with female voters, it would certainly be a nice gratuity for their support as well as an implementation of a "compassionate conservatism."


President Gore would also have the potential to shape the Court B with one significant limitation that wouldn't affect Bush's getting appointees confirmed by a Republican Senate. While Stevens and Ginsburg could "safely" leave during a Gore administration, Gore needs "majority" retirements in order to significantly impact the Court. This too, could be a problem. Rehnquist, not wanting to see his legacy overwritten, would be more apt to remain. Not wanting to be the departure that tipped the scales, Scalia would likely decide the same. In short, Gore will likely face fewer opportunities to appoint new members of the Court than Bush.

So who is on the short list for appointment to the nation's highest court? The Houston Chronicle, in a recent article, noted that Bush has said he admires Justice Scalia while Gore likes former Justice Thurgood Marshall. If Gore wins, Judge Jose Cabranes (2nd Circuit), Walter Dellinger (former acting U.S. Solicitor General), Judge Merrick Garland (Fed. Circuit) and Kathleen Sullivan (Dean of Stanford's Law School) are possibilities. For Bush, Judge Samuel Alito, Jr. (3rd Circuit), Judge Emilio Garza (5th Circuit), Judge Edith Jones (5th Circuit) and our very own Judge Michael Luttig (4th Circuit) have been mentioned as potential Supremes. No matter who wins, one thing is certain; the next President will have a significant chance to profoundly affect constitutional jurisprudence for decades to come.

 

 

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